Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Evaluating Juvenile Justice Programs: A
Design Monograph for State Planners. Washington, DC: Prepared for the U.S. Department of
Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention by Community Research Associates, Inc.; 1989.  pp. 44-46.

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Common Errors in Evaluation

Presented below are a few errors common in program evaluation. These errors most often result from not thinking through the questions to be addressed and avoiding a systematic approach to evaluation.

One widespread and misleading practice is to use individual cases as example of success instead of statistical evidence

A Few Words About Cost Benefit Analysis

One of the most common, difficult, and misunderstood approaches in program evaluation is cost benefit analysis. There is a deceptively simple aspect to the main questions posed here. How much did the program cost? What were the benefits: Were the benefits worth the costs? While these questions are straightforward, their definition and answers are not. Determining the costs and the benefits depends on the approach, orientation, and values of the evaluator. While not intended as a primer on cost benefit analysis, the following critical issues should be considered in the approach to program evaluation.

  • Who benefits from the project?

Juvenile justice programs often have multiple goals. Consequently, there are likely to be several potential beneficiaries. Often, there are goals to increase the efficiency of the organization, and a second set to improve the services delivered. If the project increases the efficiency of the agency, administrators are likely to define the project as beneficial; if, on the other hand, it increases services but does not increase efficiency, other perspectives may find this more beneficial. Cost benefit analysis requires that the evaluation measure all of the potential benefits of the program, not just those pertaining to agency efficiency

  • Who incurs the cost of the project?

Sometimes an agency that provides direct funding for a project may not be the agency that is operating it. Further, if cost savings are an issue, who is the beneficiary? Take as an example a project that aims to reduce the use of state incarceration of youth by encouraging local alternatives. While there is an overall cost reduction through fewer youth being incarcerated, the local unit has to provide primary support for the alternative program, which translates to a cost increase for the local jurisdiction. This is often the problem with statements indicating that incarceration is cheaper than probation. Once there is a commitment to a state facility, the costs to the local jurisdiction cease.

  • What are the types of benefits and costs?

Costs and benefits of a project can be either direct or indirect. In addition to the direct benefits related to the project goals other, perhaps unanticipated, benefits may occur such as increasing employee productivity or morale. Similarly, there may be other forms of costs to the project. What are the alternative costs? How else could the funding have been spent? What has to be given up in order for this project to operate? How are program costs influenced by the level of fixed costs of the agency, e.g., agencies that are well funded may be absorbing part o the cost for operating the program?

  • How are benefits and costs to be identified and measured?

Value differences among evaluators or between evaluators and administrators, as well as different perspectives regarding the goals and objectives of the project, can result in substantial disagreement about how costs and benefits are to be measured.

While these issues point to some of the difficulties of cost-benefit statements, they are not meant to eliminate cost considerations in juvenile justice evaluation. Cost assessments, particularly including alternative and comparative costs can add significantly to an evaluation. Given the difficulties of conducting a direct comparison of costs to benefits, it is often more feasible to conduct comparative cost studies. In such approaches you would measure resources consumed by comparable programs and a set of objective indicators of outcome for each program. Costs per unit for various types of outcomes could then be computed. This yield some valuable information for decisionmakers.

Every program invariably has individuals who do extremely well, and it is common to attempt to demonstrate the success of the program through these individuals. Such sagas of how the program has turned the life of an individual around and saved him from a life of crime can have a dramatic impact on both the general public as well as funding agencies. Unfortunately, they have little to do with the success of the program. The overall assessment of a program is routinely expressed in rates, percentage, correlations, or other forms of statistical comparisons. Accounts of individual performance serve a valuable purpose in illuminating certain aspects of the program, and can provide rich information for understanding program operation, but in no way can program success be based on these individual testimonials.

As with individual accounts, expert opinion is also misused as a measure of success. Here again the error lies in the avoidance of statistical data to the preference of an individual account. Expert opinion is based on general knowledge of program types rather than experience. Unfortunately, the basis upon which these judgments are made is often unclear. Expert opinion is useful in clarifying and refining program operations, but it should not be viewed as a substitute for the collection and analysis of summary evaluation data.

A third common evaluation error is using the wrong basis of comparison in making evaluative judgments. For example, often one hears statements to the effect that of adults who commit crime a certain-usually high-percentage had been adjudicated as juveniles. The presumption is that the juvenile justice system is not working since so many adult offenders had juvenile offense histories. This is an inappropriate comparison about the effectiveness of the juvenile court. We know, for example, that almost all adult offenders drink soda pop, yet we don't blame soda pop for their criminality. Regardless of how many adult offenders have juvenile histories, the only way that one can make appropriate conclusions about the impact of a juvenile record is to base comparisons on what happens to all juvenile offenders, not on the characteristics of adult offenders. The appropriate comparison is the percentage of juvenile offenders that are later arrested as adults. Unfortunately, this mistake is widespread and, unlike the others discussed, not easily detected. The only check against such misleading conclusions is diligence in considering and/or constructing your comparisons.